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Decoding Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Historic Visit to Japan

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Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Japan from May 19 to 21, 2023, to attend G7 and QUAD meetings. This year, G7 had three topics including tackling Russia’s aggression, how to deter China’s provocation, and getting support from the Global South. PM Modi’s visit was historical as he touched upon all of these three issues.

Firstly, his meeting with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky was a crucial and impactful one. Japan always believes that India is a very important partner amid the rising threat emanating from China. Thus, Japan was a pioneer of QUAD and the Indo-Pacific to cooperate with India. However, in the case of Russia, Japan’s viewpoint is completely different. India is neutral to Russia’s aggression in Ukraine. A number of Japanese experts believe that it is because India was an “ally” of Russia that the Modi Government had to take the decision to be neutral in the Ukraine-Russia conflict. As Japan stands with Ukraine, India is on a different side of the war.

In 2022, PM Modi took a proper response to change the image. When PM Modi met Russian President Vladimir Putin in September 2022, Modi told him: “This is not the era for war.” Due to this stand by India, many G7 countries realised that India was not on the Russian side.

However, this year, India took charge of the presidency of G20. The role of the presidency demands India to show its neutrality to Russia’s aggression in Ukraine again. When Indonesia took charge of the presidency in 2022, President of Indonesia Joko Widodo visited both Moscow and Kyiv and invited both leaders to the G20. Will India invite both Russia and Ukraine leaders to the G20 summit in September 2023? There is a huge topic in Japan.

Therefore, PM Modi’s decision to meet Zelensky was a perfect timing to reemphasise India’s stance of neutrality. Such PM Modi’s diplomatic sense has further enhanced diplomatic relations between India and Japan.

Secondly, PM Modi shows India’s leading role in the Indo-Pacific. In G7 (US, Canada, the UK, France, Germany, Italy and Japan), the US and Canada are tilting toward European issues more than the Indo-Pacific issues. But, when Japan took chairman of G7, it has been talking about the Indo-Pacific issues more. Japan invited many Indo-Pacific countries including, India, Australia, Vietnam, Indonesia, South Korea, and Cock islands as guest countries. In this case, PM Modi’s presence was decisive. The then Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe had introduced the idea of the Indo-Pacific instead of the Asia-Pacific because he wanted to cooperate with India. India joined three sessions of G7, such as “Working Together to Address Multiple Crises,” “Common Endeavour for a Resilient and Sustainable Planet“ and “Toward a Peaceful, Stable and Prosperous World.” This means that opinion of India and other Indo-Pacific countries reflected the discussion of global issues of G7.

In addition, during his visit, PM Modi held many bilateral summits including India-Japan meeting. And QUAD summit also happened this time. Within two and a half years, it is the fifth QUAD summit. The joint statement said “Respect for the leadership of regional institutions, including the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF), and the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), is and will remain at the Centre of the Quad’s efforts.” This means that it is the first time, IORA is written. PM Modi’s visit shows the presence of the Indian Ocean Region.

This year, QUAD focused on the security of the undersea cable network, too. The joint statement said “We recognise the urgent need to support quality undersea cable networks in the Indo-Pacific, which are key to global growth and prosperity” and announce a new ‘Quad Partnership for Cable Connectivity and Resilience.’ This issue is a serious issue because many cables in this Region run under the South China Sea. If Chinese submarine attacks cables, our internet communication and system rely on internet could be cut off by China. QUAD starts to deal with the threat. These QUAD agreements were important step for PM Modi’s immediate visits to the South Pacific and Australia after QUAD.

Thirdly, India’s participation helps Global South countries. The view from Japan is that, persuading Global South is a main part as to how to impart tough competition to China. But since Russia’s aggression in Ukraine started, many countries realised how important Global South was. And India is leading Global South country now. For example, in June, 2023, Indian foreign minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar said “Europe has to grow out of the mindset that Europe’s problems are world’s problems but world’s problems are not Europe’s problems.” This word has represented the voice of the Global South. To stop Russia’s aggression in Ukraine, western countries have imposed sanctions against Russia and prohibited Russia from exporting food and energy. Because it happened just after the COVID-19 crisis, the prices of food and energy had risen, and poor countries cannot buy enough. That is why Global South countries need the voice of Jaishankar. This time, Japan arranged “Hiroshima Action Statement for Resilient Global Food Security” at the G7. India’s voice to help other Global South countries reached Japan and G7 to solve these issues.

Therefore, PM Modi strengthens India’s position by meeting Zelensky. PM Modi’s trip brought the interests and presence of the Indo-Pacific to European-oriented G7. India’s voice brought the voice of the Global South. All these things are achievements of PM Modi’s trip to Japan. India is rising. No one can ignore India. At the same time, the world demands India to show responsible leadership now. PM Modi’s trip to Japan this time was the first successful step for India to become a leading power in the world.

Read in the  Organiser.

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Highlights | PM Modi departs for home after Quad summit in Japan

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narendra modi japan visit

PM Modi Tokyo visit | Highlights

Prime minister narendra modi is in tokyo, japan, at the invitation of japanese prime minister fumio kishida to participate in the quad leaders’ summit as part of his two-day tour starting on monday, may 23. this is pm modi’s second in-person quad summit. the quad is aimed at bolstering cooperation among the member nations of the influential grouping and discussing developments in the indo-pacific region..

PM Modi in Tokyo.

All updates to this blog have ended.

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azadi ka amrit mahotsav

India-Japan Summit Joint Statement Partnership for a Peaceful, Stable and Prosperous Post-COVID World

Prime Minister of Japan H.E. Mr. Kishida Fumio made an official visit to India, as his first bilateral visit, from 19 to 20 March 2022 for the 14th India-Japan Annual Summit with H.E. Shri Narendra Modi, Prime Minister of India. The Prime Ministers recognized that the Summit was taking place at a significant time as the two countries were celebrating the 70th anniversary of establishment of diplomatic relations and India was celebrating the 75th anniversary of its independence. They reviewed the developments since the last Annual Summit and discussed wide ranging areas of cooperation.

1. Reaffirming the Special Strategic and Global Partnership between India and Japan, the Prime Ministers concurred that the shared values and principles enunciated in the India-Japan Vision Statement issued in 2018 are particularly relevant in the present context, where global cooperation is required more than ever to address challenges that have become more acute. They highlighted their commitment to working in tandem towards a peaceful, stable and prosperous world, based on a rules-based order that respects sovereignty and territorial integrity of nations, and emphasized the need for all countries to seek peaceful resolution of disputes in accordance with international law without resorting to threat or use of force or any attempt to unilaterally change status quo. In this regard, they reaffirmed their common vision for a free and open Indo-Pacific, free from coercion. They shared the view that the economies of both countries in such a world would be powered by robust bilateral investment and trade flows through diversified, resilient, transparent, open, secure and predictable global supply chains that provide for economic security and prosperity of their peoples. Reaffirming that the two countries would continue to work together to realize these shared objectives, they resolved to further advance the India-Japan Special Strategic and Global Partnership. Partnership for A Free and Open Indo-Pacific underpinned by Inclusiveness and Rules-based order 2. The Prime Ministers appreciated the significant progress made in security and defence cooperation and reaffirmed their desire to further deepen it. They welcomed the holding of the first 2+2 meeting of their Foreign and Defence Ministers in November 2019 in New Delhi and instructed their Ministers to hold the second meeting at the earliest opportunity in Tokyo. They also welcomed the operationalization of the Agreement Concerning Reciprocal Provision of Supplies and Services between the Japan Self-Defense Forces and the Indian Armed Forces. They expressed their commitment to continuing bilateral and multilateral exercises including "Dharma Guardian” and "Malabar” respectively, while welcoming the participation of Japan for the first time in exercise MILAN, as well as making efforts to increase their complexity in the future. They reaffirmed the decision to proceed with coordination for the inaugural fighter exercise between the Japan Air Self-Defense Force and the Indian Air Force and welcomed the efforts to hold the exercise at the earliest. They acknowledged ongoing collaboration in the area of Unmanned Ground Vehicle (UGV) and Robotics and directed their Ministers to further identify concrete areas for future cooperation in the area of defence equipment and technology. 3. With their commitment to promoting peace, security, and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region, the Prime Ministers affirmed the importance of bilateral and plurilateral partnerships among like-minded countries of the region, including the quadrilateral cooperation among Australia, India, Japan, and the United States (the Quad). They welcomed the Quad Leaders’ Summits in March and September 2021 and renewed their commitment to delivering tangible outcomes on the Quad’s positive and constructive agenda, especially on COVID vaccines, critical and emerging technologies, climate action, infrastructure coordination, cybersecurity, space and education. They looked forward to advancing Quad cooperation through the next Quad Leaders’ Summit in Japan in the coming months. 4. Prime Minister Kishida welcomed the Indo-Pacific Oceans’ Initiative (IPOI) announced by Prime Minister Modi in 2019. The Prime Ministers acknowledged the growing space for cooperation between the IPOI and Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP). India appreciated Japan’s participation as a lead partner on the connectivity pillar of IPOI. They reiterated their strong support for ASEAN’s unity and centrality and their full support for the "ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP)” which upholds the principles such as the rule of law, openness, freedom, transparency and inclusiveness. 5. The Prime Ministers emphasized that India and Japan, as two leading powers in the Indo-Pacific region, had a shared interest in the safety and security of the maritime domain, freedom of navigation and overflight, unimpeded lawful commerce and peaceful resolution of disputes with full respect for legal and diplomatic processes in accordance with international law. They reaffirmed their determination to continue prioritizing the role of international law, particularly the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), and facilitate collaboration, including in maritime security, to meet challenges against the rules-based maritime order in the East and South China Seas. They emphasized the importance of non-militarisation and self-restraint. They further called for the full and effective implementation of the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea and the early conclusion of a substantive and effective Code of Conduct in the South China Sea in accordance with international law, especially UNCLOS, without prejudice to the rights and interests of all nations including those not party to these negotiations. 6. The Prime Ministers condemned North Korea’s destabilising ballistic missile launches in violation of United Nations Security Council resolutions (UNSCRs). They reaffirmed their commitment to the complete denuclearization of North Korea consistent with the relevant UNSCRs, and the importance of addressing concerns related to North Korea’s proliferation linkages. They urged North Korea to fully comply with its international obligations under the relevant UNSCRs, and to immediately resolve the abductions issue. 7. The Prime Ministers reaffirmed their intention to collaborate closely to realise peace and stability in Afghanistan, and stressed the importance of addressing humanitarian crisis, promoting human rights and ensuring establishment of a truly representative and an inclusive political system. They also reaffirmed the importance of UNSCR 2593 (2021) which unequivocally demands that Afghan territory not be used for sheltering, training, planning or financing terrorist acts and called for concerted action against all terrorist groups, including those sanctioned by the UNSC. 8. The Prime Ministers expressed deep concern at the growing threat of terrorism and underlined the need for strengthening international cooperation to combat terrorism in a comprehensive and sustained manner. They called upon all countries to work together for rooting out terrorist safe havens and infrastructure, disrupting terrorist networks and their financing channels, and halting cross-border movement of terrorists. In this context, they also called upon all countries to ensure that territory under their control is not used to launch terror attacks, to expeditiously bring to justice the perpetrators of such attacks. They reiterated their condemnation of terrorist attacks in India, including 26/11 Mumbai and Pathankot attacks and called upon Pakistan to take resolute and irreversible action against terrorist networks operating out of its territory and comply fully with international commitments including to FATF. They also concurred to strengthen counter-terrorism efforts in multilateral fora, and to work together on early adoption of the Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism (CCIT) in the United Nations. 9. The Prime Ministers remained concerned about the situation in Myanmar and called for an end to violence, the release of all those detained and a return to the path of democracy. They reaffirmed their support for ASEAN efforts to seek a solution in Myanmar, and welcomed Cambodia’s active engagement as ASEAN chair to break the deadlock. They called on Myanmar to urgently implement ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus. 10. The Prime Ministers expressed their serious concern about the ongoing conflict and humanitarian crisis in Ukraine and assessed its broader implications, particularly to the Indo-Pacific region. They emphasized that the contemporary global order has been built on the UN Charter, international law and respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity of states. They underscored the importance of safety and security of nuclear facilities in Ukraine and acknowledged active efforts of the IAEA towards it. They reiterated their call for an immediate cessation of violence and noted that there was no other choice but the path of dialogue and diplomacy for resolution of the conflict. The Leaders affirmed that they would undertake appropriate steps to address the humanitarian crisis in Ukraine. 11. Prime Minister Kishida congratulated India on its successful Presidency of the UN Security Council in August 2021 including Prime Minister Modi’s chairmanship of the UNSC at the High-Level Open Debate on "Maintenance of International Peace and Security: Maritime Security”. Prime Minister Modi reiterated India's support for Japan's candidature for a non-permanent seat at the UNSC for the term 2023-2024, to which Prime Minister Kishida expressed his appreciation. They concurred to continue to work closely on matters in the UNSC during the respective tenures of India and Japan. The Prime Ministers resolved to continue to work closely together for an early reform of the UNSC to reflect the contemporary realities of the 21st century. They expressed their determination to accelerate its process, including through the commencement of text-based negotiations in the Inter-Governmental Negotiations (IGN) with an overall objective to achieve concrete outcomes in a fixed timeframe. They reaffirmed their shared recognition that India and Japan are legitimate/deserving candidates for permanent membership in an expanded UNSC. 12. The Prime Ministers reaffirmed their shared commitment to the total elimination of nuclear weapons and remained resolute in the task of strengthening international cooperation to address the challenges of nuclear proliferation and nuclear terrorism. Prime Minister Kishida stressed the importance of early entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT). They called for an immediate commencement and early conclusion of negotiations on a non-discriminatory, multilateral, and internationally and effectively verifiable Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty (FMCT) in the Conference on Disarmament on the basis of Shannon Mandate. They pledged to continue working together for India’s membership of the Nuclear Suppliers Group, with the aim of strengthening the global non-proliferation efforts. Partnership for Sustainable Growth in a post-COVID World 13. The Prime Ministers reiterated that India and Japan would continue to contribute to global efforts to combat COVID-19 and to protecting the lives and livelihoods of people. They welcomed the progress made under the Quad Vaccine Partnership to enhance equitable access to safe and effective vaccines in the Indo-Pacific and beyond. Prime Minister Modi expressed his appreciation for the support extended by Japan to efforts of the Government of India to combat COVID-19 and provide social protection. Prime Minister Kishida praised India’s initiatives in the fight against COVID-19, especially in ensuring a supply of medicines and medical equipment and providing safe and effective vaccines through the Vaccine Maitri initiative. They reaffirmed their commitment to achieve the health-related SDGs, in particular universal health coverage, and to strengthen global health architecture, including the leading and coordinating role of the World Health Organization and its reform. 14. The Prime Ministers, building on the outcome of COP26, recognized the importance and imminence of tackling climate change, and shared the importance of various pathways for pragmatic energy transitions reflecting different national circumstances and constant innovation to achieving global net-zero emission. They welcomed the launch of the India-Japan Clean Energy Partnership (CEP) for cooperation towards achieving sustainable economic growth, addressing climate change and ensuring energy security, in areas such as electric vehicles (EV), storage systems including batteries, electric vehicle charging infrastructure (EVCI), solar energy, clean including green hydrogen/ammonia, wind energy, exchange of views on respective energy transition plans, energy efficiency, CCUS (Carbon dioxide Capturing, Utilization and Storage) and Carbon Recycling. They committed to continue further discussion for establishing the Joint Crediting Mechanism (JCM) between India and Japan for the implementation of Article 6 of the Paris Agreement. They also reaffirmed their determination to promote environmental cooperation in other areas. In this regard, they welcomed the signing of the MoC for cooperation in decentralized domestic wastewater management. Prime Minister Modi conveyed appreciation for the past and ongoing Japanese cooperation for smart cities missions in Varanasi, Ahmedabad and Chennai, and looked forward to further cooperation in this field. Prime Minister Kishida commended India’s initiatives such as the International Solar Alliance (ISA) and the Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure (CDRI) and conveyed that Japan would be joining the Indian-Swedish climate initiative LeadIT to promote heavy industry transition. They welcomed the signing of the MoC on Sustainable Urban Development. 15. The Prime Ministers reaffirmed their commitment to upholding and strengthening the rules-based multilateral trading system, with the World Trade Organization (WTO) at its core, and to work closely with each other to achieve meaningful outcomes in the 12th WTO Ministerial Conference (MC12). They shared their opposition to coercive economic policies and practices that run counter to this system and committed to work collectively to foster global economic resilience against such actions. 16. The Prime Ministers noted with appreciation that since elevation of ties to a Special Strategic and Global Partnership, there had been significant growth in economic cooperation. They expressed satisfaction that the investment target of JPY 3.5 trillion announced in 2014 has been achieved. Noting steps taken by India to improve the business environment for Japanese investors in India, as well as other measures to boost economic growth and improve ease of doing business, they expressed their shared intention to realize JPY 5 trillion of public and private investment and financing from Japan to India in the next five years, to finance appropriate public and private projects of mutual interest. Prime Minister Modi expressed his appreciation for various initiatives taken by Japan to strengthen economic cooperation with India. In this context, the Prime Ministers recalled the establishment of the India-Japan Industrial Competitiveness Partnership (IJICP) in November 2021 and welcomed the formulation of a Roadmap under the IJICP, to further promote industrial cooperation between the two countries including in the areas of MSME (Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises), manufacturing and supply chains. They also confirmed to work together towards reliable, resilient, efficient supply chains in the region and welcomed the progress in this regard in areas such as sharing of best practices. They emphasized the importance of collaboration to address illicit technology transfers, build resilient supply chains and strengthen the protection of critical infrastructure, including through the Quad. They welcomed the renewal of their bilateral currency swap agreement of USD 75 billion. They recognized the need for enhancing bilateral trade and welcomed the amendment promoting trade of fish surimi between India and Japan under India-Japan Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA). Stressing the importance of promoting trade and investment between the two countries, they encouraged further review of the implementation of CEPA through existing mechanisms. They welcomed India’s approval of imports of Japanese apples and relaxation of procedures of Indian mango exports to Japan. 17. The Prime Ministers recognized that digital technologies would play an increasingly important role in the post-COVID world and welcomed the growing cooperation under the India-Japan Digital Partnership with a view to enhancing digital economy through promotion of joint projects for digital transformation, support to provide opportunities for Indian IT professionals to work in Japan and Japanese companies, and collaboration made in the area of IoT, AI and other emerging technologies. In this regard, Prime Minister Kishida looked forward to attracting more highly skilled Indian IT professionals to contribute to the Japanese ICT sector. They also welcomed the progress on the "India-Japan fund-of-funds” to mobilize funds for emerging Indian start-ups. Welcoming the signing of MoCs in the fields of Cybersecurity and ICT, they appreciated progress in the bilateral relationship in cyber domain and affirmed to further deepen cyber engagement with each other in multilateral fora, including in the United Nations. They shared the view to further cooperate in various fields like 5G, Open RAN, Telecom Network Security, submarine cable systems, and Quantum Communications. They welcomed the progress of bilateral cooperation in the field of science and technology, including through the holding of the 10th Meeting of the India-Japan Joint Committee on Science and Technology Cooperation in November 2020, and looked forward to the joint lunar research project. They reaffirmed the commitment to strengthen the efforts so that the vision for technologies, guided by the Quad Principles on Technology Design, Development, Governance, and Use, would be further shared by all like-minded nations. 18. Prime Minister Modi appreciated Japan’s support for India’s socio-economic development over the years. The Prime Ministers welcomed the signing of the exchange of notes concerning seven yen loan projects in which Japan provides over 300 billion yen (over INR 20400 crores) in total. The Prime Ministers expressed satisfaction on the progress in the flagship bilateral cooperation project of the Mumbai-Ahmedabad High Speed Rail (MAHSR). They affirmed that this project was an important symbol of India-Japan collaboration and would lead to transfer of technology which would further enhance the capacity of railways in India. They reaffirmed that they would work together for the commencement of operations at the earliest possible timing. Prime Minister Modi appreciated Japan’s cooperation on the MAHSR and various Metro Projects in India and looked forward to the planned preparatory survey for the Patna Metro. 19. The Prime Ministers reaffirmed the significance of collaborative projects between India and Japan in the Indo-Pacific region. They acknowledged the progress in ongoing projects in Bangladesh and looked forward to exploring expansion of such cooperation to ASEAN, Pacific island countries and others. They appreciated the importance of their continued collaboration through the Act East Forum (AEF) for sustainable economic development of India’s North Eastern Region and for enhancing the Region’s connectivity with Southeast Asia. They welcomed the launch of the "India-Japan Initiative for Sustainable Development of the North Eastern Region of India”, which includes "Initiative for Strengthening the Bamboo Value Chain in the North East” and cooperation in health care, forest resources management, connectivity and tourism in different states of the North Eastern Region. 20. The Prime Ministers reaffirmed their resolve to make the India-Japan Special Strategic and Global Partnership more robust and complementary in view of the 70th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations in 2022 through people-to-people exchanges, tourism and sports. They welcomed the opening of the Rudraksha Convention Centre in Varanasi as a symbol of India-Japan friendship. They appreciated the progress made in Japanese language education and training in India and decided to expand this initiative through the Japan Overseas Cooperation Volunteers (JOCV) scheme. 21. They reaffirmed the importance of strengthening cooperation in the area of skill development and creation of employment opportunities. They welcomed the fact that more than 3,700 Indians were trained in JIMs (Japan-India Institutes for Manufacturing) and JECs (Japanese Endowed Courses) in the past year. They noted with pleasure the operationalization of the Specified Skilled Worker (SSW) system under the Memorandum of Cooperation signed in January 2021. They welcomed the starting of SSW examinations in India earlier this year and noted that some skilled workers have started working in Japan already as SSW. They also noted with pleasure that approximately 200 Indians are staying in Japan as Technical Intern Trainees. They concurred to work together to boost the number of skilled Indians who could contribute to Japanese economy through these existing frameworks. 22. Prime Minister Modi congratulated Prime Minister Kishida for the success of the Olympic and Paralympic Games Tokyo 2020, and Prime Minister Kishida expressed his appreciation for India’s support. Prime Minister Modi confirmed India’s participation in the Expo 2025 Osaka, Kansai, Japan, as an opportunity to further strengthen and broaden trade, investment and people-to-people links between the two countries. Prime Minister Kishida welcomed India’s participation and expressed his gratitude for Prime Minister Modi’s support for its success. 23. The Prime Ministers confirmed the importance of building upon the achievements through annual mutual visits by the leaders, and looked forward to continuing such visits in the years ahead. Prime Minister Kishida thanked Prime Minister Modi for the warmth and hospitality extended to him and members of his delegation during his visit to India and extended an invitation to Prime Minister Modi to visit Japan on the occasion of the Quad Leaders’ Summit. Prime Minister Modi accepted the invitation with great pleasure. Prime Minister of the Republic of India Prime Minister of Japan

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PM Modi lands in Japan for G7 summit: Your primer on what to expect

G7 summit: pm modi's visit assumes significance as he is the first indian pm to travel japan's hiroshima, since the country conducted nuclear tests in 1974..

narendra modi japan visit

Food security, nuclear disarmament, climate change – these are the key issues likely to be tabled at the G7 summit to be attended by Prime Minister Narendra Modi from Friday, May 19 to Sunday, May 21. The Prime Minister landed in Hiroshima, and was received by a Japanese delegation.

Landed in Hiroshima to join the G7 Summit proceedings. Will also be having bilateral meetings with various world leaders. pic.twitter.com/zQtSZUpd45 — Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) May 19, 2023

The visit is particularly significant as PM Modi is India’s first PM to travel Japan’s Hiroshima, where the meet is being held, since India conducted nuclear tests in 1974. India is also the only G7 invitee which has not signed the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT).

1. Who will be in attendance at the G7 Summit?

The Group of Seven comprises of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The heads of governments of all the member countries, including US President Joe Biden and UK PM Rishi Sunak , will be present at the meeting.

In addition to India, which currently holds the G20 presidency, the G7 has invited EU, Australia, Brazil, Comoros (African Union chair), the Cook Islands (Pacific Islands Forum chair), Indonesia ( ASEAN chair), South Korea, and Vietnam to the annual conference. The UN, IMF, World Bank, WHO, and WTO will also attend the summit.

2. How long will the summit continue?

The three-day long summit kicked off on Friday, May 19, and will continue till Sunday, May 21.

3. What will they discuss at the summit?

Nuclear non-proliferation will be among the major points of debate on the agenda at G7, as per a statement issued by the White House on Thursday. Japanese PM Fumio Kishida, who himself hails from Hiroshima, will take the G7 attendees to the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park and Museum to pay respects to the bomb blast victims.

Festive offer

Russia’s war against Ukraine and its impacts on global food security and energy trade will also be tabled for dialogue.

4. What’s on PM Modi’s agenda?

India’s participation at the summit would be structured around two formal sessions — the first on May 20 and the second on May 21, Foreign Secretary Vinay Kwatra had informed at a media briefing.

The first session will be on food, health, development and gender equality, and the second summit will focus on climate, energy and environment.

As India is the only attendee that has not signed the NPT, Delhi is also expected to underline that it views the NPT as discriminatory, and that the nation’s nuclear programme is for peaceful purposes.

PM Modi will also hold bilateral meetings with his Japanese counterpart Fumio and some other participating leaders on the sidelines of the summit, as per a statement by the PMO.

As PM @narendramodi is en route to Japan, take a quick look into what his three nation tour has in store. pic.twitter.com/PPY1lxKlir — Arindam Bagchi (@MEAIndia) May 19, 2023

5. What did PM Modi say in his departure statement?

In a public statement issued on Friday morning, PM Modi said that his presence at G7 is “particularly meaningful” this year as India holds the G20 presidency.

“I look forward to exchanging views with the G7 countries and other invited partners on challenges that the world faces and the need to collectively address them,” he stated.

Leaving for Japan, where I will be joining the @G7 Summit in Hiroshima. Looking forward to a healthy exchange of views on diverse global subjects. https://t.co/TYYOLeHAFH — Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) May 19, 2023

KC Venugopal

Sanjay Nirupam, a former Mumbai Congress president, joined Shinde Shiv Sena and criticized the party for being "organisationally disturbed" and controlled by five power centres. He, however, praised general secretary K C Venugopal's role in decision-making and his rise within the party despite facing allegations and controversies, leading to his appointment as AICC general secretary in-charge.

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PM Modi's Japan visit

Key highlights, pm modi heads back to delhi.

Sayonara Japan! An important friendship stands strengthened as PM @narendramodi enplanes from Osaka for the journey back to Delhi pic.twitter.com/DnFySF9p1h & mdash; Vikas Swarup (@MEAIndia) November 12, 2016

PM Modi on currency demonetisation

Till 30 December, there will be no trouble caused to anyone. Everything that is yours, you will get it: PM Narendra Modi pic.twitter.com/cvUTP7vtkL & mdash; ANI (@ANI_news) November 12, 2016

This is the biggest cleanliness drive till date. It is, however, not intended to hurt anyone, says PM Modi on Currency demonetisation

Our government will do everything to protect the interests of the honest citizens

No change in rules for anyone

Money that has been looted has to be recovered. And the rules have to be same for everyone: PM @narendramodi pic.twitter.com/fyO3WOTEVz & mdash; PMO India (@PMOIndia) November 12, 2016

I salute the people of India for hailing this initiative, despite all difficulties they have supported us

PM Modi gestures on Currency demonetisation

On the night of 8th November, Rs 500 and 1000 (gestures that they were scrapped), I thank the people of India: PM Modi in Japan pic.twitter.com/qNqSHdhNK1 & mdash; ANI (@ANI_news) November 12, 2016

Today, I can proudly say that no Indian will ever stand behind: PM Modi in Kobe

All the good in India is happening due to 125 crore Indians

FDI - 'First develop India'

'First develop India', is my definition of FDI. however the other one is Foreign Direct Investment: PM Narendra Modi in Japan pic.twitter.com/tbQDD9PVCh & mdash; ANI (@ANI_news) November 12, 2016

India is getting historically high FDI and is moving quickly on the path of economic progress

Kobe was the first to help us during the perilous time of Gujarat earthquake. We shall forever be greatful to the people of this place for all the help they extended

Watch: PM Narendra Modi arrives at the Kawasaki Heavy Industries with Japanese PM Shinzo Abe to get first hand info on bullet trains

PM @narendramodi :We are waiting for this train in India. pic.twitter.com/EZnJJXp7B7 — Vikas Swarup (@MEAIndia) November 12, 2016

A shared experience

A shared experience critical in India's high speed ambitions. The two Prime Ministers tour Kawasaki Heavy Industries Plant pic.twitter.com/q36NOwWhG6 & mdash; Vikas Swarup (@MEAIndia) November 12, 2016

PM Modi, Abe ride on Japan's Shinkansen bullet train

PM Narendra Modi along with his Japanese counterpart Shinzo Abe on Saturday travelled in Japan's famed high-speed Shinkansen bullet train, which is being introduced in India on the Mumbai-Ahmedabad stretch. Modi and Abe travelled in the train, whose speed ranges from 240 kms per hour to 320 kms per hour, from Tokyo to Kobe, a city on Osaka Bay in Japan.

Deal with Japan to ease India's nuclear shopping

Six years after they started negotiations, India and Japan finally signed a landmark nuclear agreement, opening the way for India to be able to commission nuclear reactors by global entities.

Indian community in Kobe has a long history of trade & commerce. I congratulate all the residents of Kobe on forthcoming 150 years of its port

Our relationship is characterized by complete trust & mutual confidence. Thank Governor Ido for his valuable efforts to develop relations with Gujarat

PM Modi at Hyogo House in Kobe

Japan: Prime Minister Narendra Modi arrives at Hyogo House in Kobe. pic.twitter.com/Cofd9eGcfq — ANI (@ANI_news) November 12, 2016

Watch: People chant 'Vande Mataram' and 'Bharat Mata ki jai' as PM Modi arrives at Shin-Kobe Station

#WATCH : People welcome Prime Minister Narendra Modi as he arrives at Shin-Kobe Station, chant 'Vande Mataram' and 'Bharat Mata ki jai' pic.twitter.com/CzXZoG1Y1s & mdash; ANI (@ANI_news) November 12, 2016

People welcome PM Narendra Modi as he arrives

Kobe (Japan): People gather at Shin-Kobe Station, welcome Prime Minister Narendra Modi as he arrives pic.twitter.com/rvT73MqJQZ & mdash; ANI (@ANI_news) November 12, 2016

India, Japan ink civil nuclear deal: What it means for India

The bipartite agreement is intended to open the Indian market to overseas reactor suppliers. The deal would allow Japan to export nuclear technology to India, making it the first non-NPT (Non Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons) signatory to have such a deal with Tokyo.

A precision arrival

And a precision arrival, in true Japanese style! The Shinkansen pulls into Kobe at 1155 hrs, & in 45 seconds, leaders & delegation disembark pic.twitter.com/y9kIXrHIIW & mdash; Vikas Swarup (@MEAIndia) November 12, 2016

India, Japan stand together on South China Sea; discuss partnership on Chabahar

Modi and Abe raised the South China Sea issue in their joint statement, stressing the importance of resolving the disputes by peaceful means. The two PMs also discussed working together on the strategic Chabahar port in Iran.

PM Modi gazes at Mt Fuji

A pic for posterity! PM @narendramodi and PM @AbeShinzo onboard the Shinkansen as another iconic Japanese landmark Mt. Fuji flashes by pic.twitter.com/d8taWB9Ijv — Vikas Swarup (@MEAIndia) November 12, 2016

PM Modi will visit the Kawasaki Heavy Industries facility in Kobe, where high-speed trains are manufactured.

A glimpse at the shinkansen experience.

Simply Shinkansen! Scenes from inside the famed Japanese bullet train, with the two leaders deep in conversation pic.twitter.com/D9gQz73XJ4 — Vikas Swarup (@MEAIndia) November 12, 2016

The same technology used in Japan's Shinkansen will be deployed for the Mumbai-Ahmedabad High-Speed Railway.

Confirmed: japan to join iran, india in chabahar port development.

It's official now. India and Japan will work together to develop infrastructure and connectivity for Chabahar port in Iran @timesofindia — Sachin Parashar (@sachinpTOI) November 11, 2016

The agreement is broadly in line with agreements we have done with many other countries: Foreign Secretary S Jaishankar

Civil nuclear energy cooperation agreement signed is something that has taken us some time to negotiate for very understandable reasons: foreign secretary s jaishankar, last two years saw sharp increase in japanese economic activities in india: foreign secretary s jaishankar, read: full text of pm modi's media statement during his japan visit, pm modi concludes his address.

PM @narendramodi concludes: It is indeed a privilege to be your partner and friend pic.twitter.com/SJuJMIfxQ6 — Vikas Swarup (@MEAIndia) November 11, 2016

I wish to thank Prime Minister Abe for the support extended for India’s membership of the Nuclear Suppliers Group

Since March 2016 we extended ‘Visa-On Arrival’ facility to Japanese nationals and have also extended a 10-year visa to businesspersons: PM Modi

We are also united in our resolve to combat the menace of terrorism, especially cross-border terrorism: pm modi, the successful malabar exercise has underscored the strategic convergence in the broad expanse of the waters of the indo-pacific: pm modi.

Our strategic partnership is not only for the good and security of our own societies. It also brings peace, stability and balance to region

We see Japan as a natural partner in our aim to be major centre for manufacturing, investments and 21st century knowledge industries

The Agreement for Cooperation in Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy marks a historic step in our engagement to build a clean energy partnership: PM Modi

Pm abe and i took stock of the progress in our ties since last summit. it is clear that our cooperation has progressed on multiple fronts: pm modi, the frequency of our interaction demonstrates the drive, dynamism and depth of our ties: pm modi on his previous visits to japan, pm modi begins his press statement.

PM begins Press Statement with a Zen Buddhist saying: Ichigo Ichie - our every meeting is unique & we must treasure every moment. pic.twitter.com/KKEi1MpBa5 — Vikas Swarup (@MEAIndia) November 11, 2016

India-Japan ink wide range of agreements

New Strides in the Special Strategic and Global Partnership. The leaders also witnessed exchange of agreements in a wide range of sectors pic.twitter.com/os0Pkedpp3 — Vikas Swarup (@MEAIndia) November 11, 2016

Delegation level talks between India and Japan begin

Tokyo: Delegation level talks between India and Japan begins at Kantei, the Prime Minister's Office. pic.twitter.com/0rk6HpzryA & mdash; ANI (@ANI_news) November 11, 2016

India aims to be world's most open economy, PM Modi says

Presenting India as a land of "incredible" opportunities, Prime Minister Narendra Modi today invited Japanese companies to invest, saying substantial finances are needed for development of the country and reforms were underway to make it the world's "most open" economy. Addressing top Japanese business leaders in Tokyo, he said India wants "greater influx of Japanese investments" and "for this, we will be proactive in addressing your concerns".

PM Modi with Hiroshige Seko

Mr. Hiroshige Seko, Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI) of Japan meeting PM @narendramodi in Tokyo pic.twitter.com/MIoqgd5QbZ — PIB India (@PIB_India) November 11, 2016

India aims to be world's most open economy, says PM Modi

Addressing business leaders at the India-Japan Business Leaders' Forum, he mentioned progress on GST and talked about other reforms in policies and rules to make investments and doing business easier in India.

Want to make India the most open economy in the world

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Japan PM Kishida announces new Indo-Pacific plan in India

Japan's Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, right, and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, talk before their delegation level meeting in New Delhi, India, Monday, March 20, 2023. (AP Photo/Manish Swarup)

Japan’s Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, right, and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, talk before their delegation level meeting in New Delhi, India, Monday, March 20, 2023. (AP Photo/Manish Swarup)

Japan’s Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, left and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, shake hands after making press statements following their meeting in New Delhi, India, Monday, March 20, 2023. (AP Photo/Manish Swarup)

Japan’s Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, left and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, applaud after making press statements following their meeting in New Delhi, India, Monday, March 20, 2023. (AP Photo/Manish Swarup)

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, left, talks with his Japanese counterpart Fumio Kishida before their delegation level meeting in New Delhi, India, Monday, March 20, 2023. (AP Photo/Manish Swarup)

Japan’s Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, second right and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, talk as they walk to their delegation level meeting in New Delhi, India, Monday, March 20, 2023. (AP Photo/Manish Swarup)

Japan’s Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, left and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, pose for the media before their delegation level meeting in New Delhi, India, Monday, March 20, 2023. (AP Photo/Manish Swarup)

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi arrives to receive his Japanese counterpart Fumio Kishida before their delegation level meeting in New Delhi, India, Monday, March 20, 2023. (AP Photo/Manish Swarup)

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, right, with his Japanese counterpart Fumio Kishida arrive for their meeting in New Delhi, India, Monday, March 20, 2023. (AP Photo/Manish Swarup)

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NEW DELHI (AP) — Japan’s Prime Minister Fumio Kishida on Monday invited his Indian counterpart Narendra Modi for the Group of Seven summit in May and announced action plans for a new Indo-Pacific initiative aimed at countering China’s influence in the region.

Kishida, who is on a two-day trip to India, said he hopes to promote a vision of free and open Indo-Pacific, a Tokyo-led initiative for greater security and economic cooperation that is geared toward curbing Beijing’s growing assertiveness. It includes Japan’s assistance to emerging economies, support for maritime security, a provision of coast guard patrol boats and equipment and other infrastructure cooperation.

It fits with Japan’s new national security strategy adopted in December under which Tokyo Japan is deploying long-range cruise missiles to strengthen its strike-back capability, and using development aid more strategically in support of like-minded countries.

India, which is heading this year’s Group of 20 industrial and emerging-market nations, says ties with Japan are key to stability in the region. The two nations, along with the United States and Australia, make up the Indo-Pacific alliance known as the Quad.

Indonesian Defense Minister and President-elect Prabowo Subianto, left, is shown the seat for talks by Japanese counterpart Minoru Kihara, right, at the Defense Ministry in Tokyo, Japan, Wednesday, April 3, 2024. (Kimimasa Mayama/Pool Photo via AP)

China’s territorial claims in the East China and South China seas have rattled Beijing’s smaller neighbors in Southeast Asia as well as Japan, which is also facing threats from North Korea’s nuclear and missile development. The relationship between New Delhi and Beijing also has deteriorated since 2020, when Indian and Chinese troops clashed along their undefined border in the Himalayan Ladakh region, leaving 20 Indian and four Chinese soldiers dead.

Kishida also held talks with Modi to deepen bilateral cooperation while also addressing food security and development financing. The two leaders said they will closely cooperate in dealing with a wide range of global challenges, including soaring prices of energy and food supplies that have exacerbated since Russia’s war in Ukraine.

Kishida said Modi accepted his invitation to participate in the G-7 summit of major industrial nations, which will be held in Hiroshima in May. He told reporters later that he will also invite seven other heads of non-G-7 countries, including South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol — a step toward further improving Japan-South Korea ties and to bring Seoul closer to other key players in the strategic map of the region.

In his statement, Kishida said he told Modi that he hopes to take up challenges at the summit including upholding the rules-based international order and strengthening partnership with the international community that goes beyond G-7 and includes the Global South, a term used for developing nations in Asia, Africa and Latin America.

The two leaders also discussed their priorities for their respective presidencies of the G-7 and G-20, Modi said in a speech.

Japan holds the G-7 presidency in 2023 and has sought deeper ties with developing countries to lay the groundwork for a successful summit.

In an article for the Indian Express newspaper Monday, Kishida said “the foundation of order in the international community was shaken by Russia’s aggression against Ukraine” and its impact on food access and fertilizer prices were felt everywhere, including in the Indo-Pacific region.

“In order to respond effectively to the various challenges that the international community is currently facing, cooperation between the G-7 and the G-20 has greater significance. Such pressing challenges include food security, climate and energy, fair and transparent development finance,” Kishida wrote.

India and Japan share strong economic ties. Trade between the two was worth $20.57 billion in fiscal year 2021-2022.

The Japanese investments in India touched $32 billion between 2000 and 2019. Japan has also been supporting infrastructure development in India, including a high-speed rail project.

Yamaguchi reported from Tokyo.

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Full Schedule of PM Modi’s Upcoming Visits to Japan, Papua New Guinea and Australia

Published By : News Desk

Last Updated: May 19, 2023, 11:44 IST

New Delhi, India

Prime Minister Narendra Modi departs for Hiroshima in Japan to attend the G7 Summit, on May 19, 2023. (Twitter/@PMOIndia)

Prime Minister Narendra Modi departs for Hiroshima in Japan to attend the G7 Summit, on May 19, 2023. (Twitter/@PMOIndia)

In the first leg of his trip, PM Modi will visit the Japanese city of Hiroshima from May 19 to 21. From Japan, he will travel to Port Moresby in Papua New Guinea. In the third and final leg of the trip, the PM will visit Sydney from May 22 to 24 to attend the Quad summit

Prime Minister Narendra Modi will on Friday embark on a six-day visit to Japan, Papua New Guinea and Australia to attend three key multilateral summits including that of the Group of Seven (G7) and the Quad, the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) announced on Tuesday.

In the first leg of his trip, Modi will visit the Japanese city of Hiroshima from May 19 to 21 for the annual summit of the G7 advanced economies in which he is expected to speak on challenges facing the globe including food, fertiliser and energy security.

From Japan, Modi will travel to Port Moresby in Papua New Guinea where he will host the third summit of the Forum for India-Pacific Islands Cooperation (FIPIC) on May 22 jointly with Prime Minister James Marape. It will be the first visit by an Indian prime minister to Papua New Guinea.

In the third and final leg of the trip, Modi will visit Sydney from May 22 to 24 to attend the Quad summit.

Here is a look at PM Modi’s official schedule for the visits:

May 19, Friday

9:10am – Departure from Delhi

8pm – Arrival in Hiroshima

May 20, Saturday

7:15am-8am – QUAD Summit

8:30am-8:40am – Unveiling of Mahatma Gandhi bust

10:30am – Bilateral Meeting with Han Duck-soo, Prime Minister of the Republic of Korea

11am – Bilateral Meeting with Pham Minh Chinh, Prime Minister of Vietnam

2:30pm – Arrive Grand Prince Hotel; Welcome photograph with Japan PM and spouse

4:45pm – Working Session: Working Together to Address Multiple Crises (including Food Health, Development, Gender); Group Photo (G7+ Partner countries+ IOs)

5:10pm – Bilateral meeting with Emmanuel Macron, President of the French Republic

7:55pm – Working Session: Common Endeavor for a Resilient and Sustainable Planet (including Climate, Energy, Environment)

8pm – Bilateral Meeting with Fumio Kishida, Prime Minister of Japan

8:30pm – Cultural performance followed by Social Dinner

May 21, Sunday

8am – Arrive Hiroshima Peace Memorial

9am – Visit to the Peace Memorial Museum

9:20am – Arrive Summit Venue

9:20am – Bilateral Meeting with Rishi Sunak, Prime Minister of the UK

10am – Working Session: Toward a Peaceful, Stable and Prosperous World

1:45pm – Depart Hiroshima for Port Moresby

10pm – Arrive Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea

10:10pm – Ceremonial Guard of Honour for PM

May 22, Monday

8:45am – Arrive Government House

8:45am – Call on Sir Bob Dadae, Governor-General of Papua New Guinea

9:15am – Arrive APEC House

9:15am – Bilateral Meeting with James Marape, Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea

9:55am – Arrival of Pacific Islands Countries (PIC) Leaders

10:40am – 3rd FIPIC Summit

12:25pm – FIPIC Lunch hosted by PM

1:30pm – Bilateral Meeting with Sitiveni L Rabuka, Prime Minister of the Republic of Fiji

2:15pm – Arrive Airways Hotel

2:40pm – Bilateral Meeting with Christopher John Hipkins, Prime Minister of New Zealand

3pm – Interaction with ITEC scholars

3:40pm – Depart for Sydney

8pm – Arrive Kingsford Smith Airport, Sydney

May 23, Tuesday

9:40am – Business Event with Australian CEOs

11am – Meeting with Andrew Forrest, Executive Chairman, Fortescue Future Industries

11:25am – Meeting with Paul Schroder, CEO, Australian Super

11:50am – Meeting with Gina Rinehart, Executive Chairman Hancock Prospecting

1:15pm- Interaction with select Australian Influencers

6pm – Arrive Community Event venue

May 24, Wednesday

9:45am – Arrive Admiralty House

9:50am – Ceremonial Guard of Honour

10:05am – Visitors’ Book signing

10:10am – Meeting with Anthony Albanese, Prime Minister of Australia

10:55am – Meeting with General Hon. David John Hurley, Governor General of Australia

12:45pm – Emplane for Delhi

9:55pm – Arrive Delhi

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PM to start foreign tour with G7 meet in Japan, end with US visit in June

4 foreign visits, 40 days: these trips are politically vital. they showcase pm's standing as a world leader to the home electorate.

Narendra Modi

Prime Minister Narendra Modi | Photo: ANI

World TB Day: PM Modi launches initiatives to eliminate disease by 2025

Fact check: did asle toje call pm modi biggest contender for nobel prize, pm modi inaugurates slew of projects in tamil nadu, telangana during visit, indian real estate saw foreign inflows of $26.6 billion between 2017-22, ceo tim cook may visit india to launch apple's first store in the country, bjp to do detailed analysis to find out reasons for debacle in karnataka, modi wave is over...: sanjay raut after congress' win in karnataka polls, aaditya thackeray meets aap national convenor kejriwal in national capital, stage set for cong meet in k'taka, new cm likely to take oath on monday, after delivering k'taka, cong strategist kanugolu looks for victory in mp.

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Modi’s Messenger to the World

How the diplomat-turned-politician s. jaishankar became the chief executor of india’s assertive foreign policy..

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It all began in Beijing. Narendra Modi was the chief minister of Gujarat when he visited in 2011 to pitch his state as a destination for Chinese investment. As India’s ambassador to China at the time, S. Jaishankar was tasked with helping to facilitate meetings with Chinese Communist Party leaders and officials, companies, and even Indian students there.

The Beijing meeting was the starting point of a close and mutually respectful partnership between Modi and Jaishankar—one that is reshaping not only India’s geopolitics but increasingly the world’s. Jaishankar himself has recounted that first meeting on multiple occasions, including in the preface of his new book, Why Bharat Matters .

Of that defining moment with Modi in the Chinese capital, Jaishankar writes, “My cumulative impression was one of strong nationalism, great purposefulness and deep attention to detail.”

The two men’s stars would rise in tandem.

Jaishankar’s Beijing tenure was followed by a move to Washington in late 2013 as India’s ambassador to the United States. Modi was still persona non grata there; his visa had been revoked in 2005 for his perceived role  in enabling communal riots in Gujarat three years earlier. (The U.S. State Department termed Modi’s failure to curb the riots as bearing responsibility for “particularly severe violations of religious freedom.”) An investigative team appointed by India’s Supreme Court subsequently cleared Modi of any culpability in 2012, and soon after becoming prime minister in 2014, he was welcomed back to the United States. During his visit that September, he even addressed a packed house of Indian diaspora attendees at New York’s Madison Square Garden, an appearance Jaishankar helped facilitate that has since been replicated in arenas around the world and has become a hallmark of Modi’s foreign policy.

Four months later, days before he was due to retire from the foreign service, Jaishankar was elevated by Modi to foreign secretary—India’s top diplomat, who reports to the external affairs minister—somewhat abruptly and controversially , replacing Sujatha Singh several months before her tenure officially ended. It was only the second time a foreign secretary had been removed from the post.

Jaishankar would be at the center of another prominent “second” in India’s foreign-policy history in 2019. Soon after Modi won reelection in a landslide, he appointed Jaishankar to his cabinet as external affairs minister. It was only the second time a foreign service officer had become external affairs minister, crossing the Rubicon from diplomat to politician. Jaishankar became the first foreign secretary to do so, with a brief private-sector sojourn in between as president of global corporate affairs at the conglomerate Tata Sons .

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi walks with External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar in New Delhi on Sept. 6, 2022. Sonu Mehta/Hindustan Times via Getty Images

“To me, personally, it was a surprise. I had not even thought about it,” Jaishankar said during a meeting with members of the Indian community in Seoul in early March, sitting between an Indian flag and a larger-than-life portrait of himself.

Once he did become a politician, however, Jaishankar went all in, spearheading an Indian foreign policy that has been a marked departure from that of previous governments at least in style, if not necessarily always substance.

That style is confident, assertive, proudly Hindu, and unabashedly nationalist, intended to convey that India is taking its rightful place among the major powers. Jaishankar has become known for publicly sparring with Western counterparts, think tankers, and journalists when India’s positions don’t align with theirs. He advocates principles of “multialignment” and “strategic autonomy,” in which India will be driven by its own national interest.

Jaishankar’s style is confident, assertive, proudly Hindu, and unabashedly nationalist, intended to convey that India is taking its rightful place among the major powers.

He has slammed a BBC documentary on Modi’s role in the 2002 Gujarat riots that India banned in early 2023 (“I don’t know if election season has started in India and Delhi or not, but for sure it has started in London and New York”); dismissed global democracy rankings that show India backsliding (“There’s an ideological agenda out there”); and defended India’s neutral stance on the Russia-Ukraine war and its purchases of Russian oil (“Europe has to grow out of the mindset that Europe’s problems are the world’s problems”).

All the while, Jaishankar has served as the tip of the spear for an unapologetic India, led by Modi.

Modi and Jaishankar do come from completely different worlds. Jaishankar grew up in New Delhi and studied at two of the Indian capital’s most elite educational institutions, St. Stephen’s College and Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU). The latter, where Jaishankar did a Ph.D. in international relations with a focus on nuclear diplomacy, is named after India’s first prime minister, whom Modi has consistently criticized. Modi’s humble beginnings, by contrast, are a key part of his political persona. He has frequently spoken about his small-town upbringing in Vadnagar, Gujarat, where his family ran a tea shop, before joining the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, a Hindu-nationalist organization and the ideological parent of his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). And while Modi predominantly speaks in Hindi both at home and abroad, Jaishankar mostly opts for English.

Jaishankar’s worldliness has served Modi’s priorities well. “If you take a look back, Mr. Modi was planning bold things on foreign policy in the second term, so he wanted someone he trusted who could actually do the big moves. I think you could say that has largely paid off,” said C. Raja Mohan, a senior fellow at the Asia Society Policy Institute in New Delhi and columnist at Foreign Policy .

Join FP Live for a discussion about the magazine’s India issue on Tuesday, April 16, at 11 a.m. EDT. Subscriber questions are encouraged. Register here .

Jaishankar waits to speak at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington on Jan. 29, 2014, during his time as ambassador to the United States. Brendan Smialowski/AFP via Getty Images

On paper, Jaishankar is a natural choice to spearhead a rising India’s foreign policy. His ambassadorships in Beijing and Washington gave him a keen understanding of the two major powers defining global geopolitics today, and they came as part of a four-decade diplomatic career that began in the Indian Embassy in Moscow in the late 1970s and included stints in Japan, Singapore, and the Czech Republic. As joint secretary for the Americas in India’s Ministry of External Affairs, he was also a key negotiator for the country’s landmark civilian nuclear agreement with the United States in 2005.

“He already had the reputation of being a whiz kid because he of course had a legendary pedigree,” said Ashley J. Tellis, the Tata chair for strategic affairs and a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Tellis, a former U.S. government advisor and expert on India-U.S. relations, not only sat across from Jaishankar during the nuclear deal negotiations and has known him for decades but also knew his father, K. Subrahmanyam, a former bureaucrat and government advisor who played a key role in establishing India’s nuclear doctrine and is considered one of the country’s foremost strategic thinkers.

Yet Jaishankar’s transition to politics stood out because that’s not how it usually happens in India. External affairs ministers are career politicians and usually have very little actual foreign-policy experience when they take on the role. The call-up from Modi caught many off guard, according to multiple former Indian diplomats who asked to remain anonymous to speak candidly, though most described it as an inspired choice.

It is a testament to India’s increased global standing and importance, as well as Jaishankar’s easy rapport with his global counterparts, that his blunt talk hasn’t really cost the Modi government important friends.

It is a testament to India’s increased global standing and importance , as well as Jaishankar’s easy rapport with his global counterparts, that his blunt talk hasn’t really cost the Modi government important friends. German Chancellor Olaf Scholz said at last year’s Munich Security Conference that Jaishankar had a “point” with his comments on Europe. In Munich this year, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock smiled as Jaishankar, next to them on stage, parried another question about India’s purchases of Russian oil and its selective alignment with Western partners. “Why should it be a problem? If I’m smart enough to have multiple options, you should be admiring me—you shouldn’t be criticizing me,” he said before clarifying that India isn’t “purely unsentimentally transactional.”

At a high level, many of the dynamics currently governing India’s foreign policy pre-date the Modi government. The country’s close diplomatic and military partnership with Russia dates back to the Cold War, while the India-U.S. relationship has been on an upward trajectory across multiple governments since President Bill Clinton’s visit to New Delhi in 2000 ended more than two decades of tenuous relations. Meanwhile, India’s decades-long frenmity with China has ebbed since military clashes on their shared border in 2020 unraveled the bonhomie that Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping had established during the former’s first term in office.

For all Jaishankar’s proclamations, “I actually see more continuity than I do change,” said Shivshankar Menon, who served as India’s foreign secretary and national security advisor under Modi’s predecessor Manmohan Singh. “Whether you call it nonalignment or strategic autonomy or multidirectional policy, on the big things … I don’t see much difference.”

India’s policy toward the Middle East has been one notable departure , with Modi establishing far closer ties with Israel as well as Arab nations in the Gulf—particularly Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates—than any of his predecessors, even amid concerns about rising Islamophobia within India. Modi even inaugurated a Hindu temple in Abu Dhabi to great fanfare in February, embracing the Emirati president as his “brother” during his visit.

The bigger shifts have been on tenor and tone, with the message that India has changed internally, and those internal changes are what need explaining to the world. “There is certainly a difference in the way this government projects foreign policy compared to previous governments—it’s much more activist,” Menon said. “I think there’s a conscious effort to try and show that India counts in the world, that the world now looks up to it.”

In conveying this message, Jaishankar has thrived.

Lisa Curtis, a former U.S. government official who dealt with Jaishankar during the 2005 nuclear deal negotiations as well as in his time at the Indian Embassy in Washington, said he has acquired a “sharper edge” in recent years but has always been effective at communicating India’s position. “Since he’s so steeped in the issues and so articulate on global matters, that helps India to put forward a good face on the international scene,” said Curtis, now a senior fellow at the Washington-based Center for a New American Security. “I think he’s helped India immensely in being accepted as a global power.”

Jaishankar’s pugilistic zeal has also extended to defending Modi’s Hindu-nationalist ideology, including against criticism about its more illiberal elements and the treatment of minorities in India over the past decade, with increased instances of violence against Muslims in particular. “Are there people in any country, including India, who others would regard as extremist? I think it depends on your point of view,” Jaishankar said during the Raisina Dialogue in New Delhi in February when asked by an FP reporter how those concerns might impact India’s global standing. “Some of it may be true. Some of it may be politics.”

Jaishankar laid out the Modi government’s position more clearly when asked a somewhat similar question during a discussion at the Royal Over-Seas League in London last November. “People today are less hypocritical about their beliefs, about their traditions, about their culture,” he said. “I would say we are more Indian. We are more authentic.”

While Modi has established himself as a geopolitical glad-hander in his own right, Jaishankar’s global experience and his ability to articulate Modi’s vision on the world stage have made him the perfect interlocutor and representative.

As someone whose entire diplomatic career, by definition, was spent being apolitical, Jaishankar’s politics before he joined Modi’s government remain opaque. Until Modi made him foreign secretary, Jaishankar mostly served under governments led by the main opposition Indian National Congress party.

“The ruling political philosophy among India’s academics and among India’s bureaucracy is a socialist, left-leaning worldview. Jaishankar didn’t ever subscribe to that,” said Indrani Bagchi, the CEO of the Ananta Aspen Centre in New Delhi who previously spent nearly two decades as the diplomatic editor for the Times of India newspaper.

While Modi has established himself as a geopolitical glad-hander in his own right over the past decade—with his zealous, highly symbolic hugs of world leaders often making headlines —Jaishankar’s global experience and his ability to articulate Modi’s vision on the world stage have made him the perfect interlocutor and representative.

As Bagchi put it: “He’s able to explain Modi to the world.”

Jaishankar addresses devotees and well-wishers during Diwali celebrations at Neasden Temple in London on Nov. 12, 2023. Leon Neal/Getty Images

Jaishankar did not respond to multiple interview requests for this story, but the two books he has published since becoming external affairs minister provide a window into his world-view as well as the evolution of India’s foreign policy in the five years he has been in the role.

The works are bookended by two of the world’s largest elections: The first was published in 2020, just over a year after Modi was reelected to a second term and inducted Jaishankar into his cabinet. The second came out early this year, ahead of India’s upcoming national election, in which Modi is expected to cruise to a third term. The titles of Jaishankar’s books themselves are instructive, illustrating a shift in the projection of India to the world: The India Way and Why Bharat Matters . “Bharat” is the traditional Sanskrit name for India, and its use by the Modi government as the country’s official name on some invites to the G-20 summit it hosted last September caused diplomatic ripples, with some critics and political opponents suggesting it was another example of the Modi government’s effort to reshape India in its Hindu-nationalist image . Jaishankar’s riposte was that he would “invite everybody to read” the Indian Constitution, which begins with the words “India, that is Bharat,” and treats both names as official.

Speculation of an “official” name change has not come to pass, though Modi continues to use both interchangeably . India is already referred to as Bharat within the country by its native language speakers, but the two names present another internal contrast that the Modi government has been happy to exploit—in its view, “India” represents a colonial, English-speaking, out-of-touch elite, while “Bharat” represents the real, grassroots, predominantly rural majority of the nation.

The covers of Jaishankar’s two books, The India Way and Why Bharat Matters .

Jaishankar, too, leans into that dichotomy in his second book, referring to “India” almost exclusively through most chapters but pointedly ending each chapter with an invocation of “Bharat”—often only in the last sentence. “That is why India can only rise when it is truly Bharat,” the first chapter concludes. In the chapter on India-China relations, he writes: “It is only when our approach to China is steeped in realism that we will strengthen our image before the world as Bharat.”

Stylistic choices aside, the central argument of Why Bharat Matters is that India must authentically embrace its cultural traditions and reclaim its status as a “civilizational” power—in much the way that China has—rather than remain beholden to a Western-led world order. “India matters because it is Bharat,” Jaishankar writes. He uses one of India’s most famous epics, the Ramayana, as a framework for thinking about that civilizational resurgence. The Hindu epic depicts the victory of the god Ram over the demon king Ravana after he abducted Ram’s wife, Sita, a story that in Hinduism symbolizes the triumph of good over evil.

Jaishankar posits that the Ramayana, in which Ram “sets the norms for personal conduct and promotes good governance,” offers lessons for geopolitics, too. Modi and members of his BJP often invoke Ram in heralding the government’s achievements, and many supporters declare their loyalty to the deity in troubling manifestations of the party’s political project, including during attacks on the country’s Muslims and Christians. Modi’s inauguration of a Ram temple in January in the northern Indian city of Ayodhya, considered Ram’s birthplace—on the site of a 16th-century Mughal mosque that was destroyed in 1992 by Hindu nationalists—represented the fulfillment of a key campaign promise.

Jaishankar presents the Ramayana as a lens for Indians to view their global rise and for the world to view India’s rise. Ram’s story is an “account of a rising power that is able to harmonize its particular interests with a commitment to doing global good,” he writes.

In both books, Jaishankar offers a detailed explanation of India’s realpolitik approach, with the most succinct encapsulation coming near the beginning of his first book, The India Way , a compilation of several of his speeches and analyses. India’s priorities in this era of great-power competition and growing multipolarity, he writes, should be to “engage America, manage China, cultivate Europe, reassure Russia, bring Japan into play, draw neighbours in, extend the neighbourhood and expand traditional constituencies of support.”

Jaishankar dedicates a chapter in that first book to another Indian epic, the Mahabharata, which centers on a giant battle between five brothers, the Pandavas, and their cousins, the Kauravas. Jaishankar hails this as “the greatest story ever told” and “the most vivid distillation of Indian thoughts on statecraft.” Today’s India can learn from the Mahabharata’s central lesson of being able to implement difficult policies without being held back by a fear of collateral consequences, Jaishankar writes, albeit doing so responsibly and while retaining the moral high ground.

“Serial violators are given little credit even when they comply, while an occasional disrupter can always justify a deviation,” he writes of the global rules-based order. “Nevertheless, the advantage of being perceived as a rule-abiding and responsible player cannot be underestimated.”

Another lesson from the Mahabharata that Jaishankar draws attention to, which he and Modi have both used to great effect, is the mastery of messaging both at home and abroad. “Where the Pandavas consistently scored over their cousins was the ability to shape and control the narrative,” he writes. “Their ethical positioning was at the heart of a superior branding.”

It is this brand that Jaishankar is attempting to establish for Modi’s new India, or Bharat—a participant on the world stage, rather than just a bystander, that will look out foremost for its own interests but is willing to engage with multiple partners.

“India is better off being liked than just being respected,” he writes.

Jaishankar departs a meeting in Kathmandu, Nepal, on Jan. 4. Prabin Ranabhat/AFP via Getty Images

The take-no-prisoners approach adopted by Jaishankar on the global stage has been immensely popular back home, with hyperbolic compilations of instances when he “ shut down ” or “ destroyed ” Western reporters frequently doing the rounds on social media. This reception indicates his statements may be playing to two galleries at once.

“The constituencies on the inside are now completely convinced that India’s moment has come, that India can pursue its interests without apology and without diffidence,” said Tellis of Carnegie. “I see that external-facing behavior as being shaped very much by the compulsions of internal politics.”

It’s hard to argue that the Modi government’s nationalist persona isn’t popular among the electorate. The BJP won 282 out of 543 seats in the Indian Parliament during the 2014 election, the most by a single party in three decades, bettering that performance with 303 seats in 2019. Opinion polls for the 2024 contest so far indicate the party will match, if not surpass, that performance.

While Jaishankar is now front and center on the global stage and his trajectory is unique in many ways, he’s also part of a wider pattern of Modi bringing more technocrats into his government. The current minister of railways, technology, and communications is a former bureaucrat, while the petroleum and urban affairs minister spent nearly four decades in the diplomatic corps. Modi’s priority, particularly in his second term, has been on finding executors of his policies rather than mere political apparatchiks.

“Modi was looking for wider talent to run the government, to implement his policies,” Mohan said. “Jaishankar is just one part of it. Because he’s the foreign minister, he’s the one exposed to the world, he’s the one who’s speaking up for India at most international forums, so he gets a lot of that visibility both at home and abroad.”

Jaishankar speaks alongside U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken at the State Department in Washington on Sept. 27, 2022. Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images

It’s also more than just visibility. As the world’s most populous country with the fifth-largest economy, India’s decisions are naturally consequential, and Jaishankar has shepherded the Modi government’s efforts to be at the center of global conversations on issues such as technology, climate change, and collective security. Along with stepping up engagements with the West, the Gulf, and the global south, India has prioritized multilateral forums and partnerships such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (with Australia, Japan, and the United States), I2U2 (with Israel, the UAE, and the United States), and the G-20. And Jaishankar has balanced both sides in each of the two major conflicts roiling the world today—maintaining India’s ties with both Russia and the West amid the war in Ukraine and continuing to call for respect of humanitarian law in Gaza and a two-state solution while condemning terrorism and even reportedly sending Indian-made drones to Israel.

“Bharat also means being a civilizational state rather than just a national polity. … It mandates the influencing of the international agenda and shaping of global narratives.”

Jaishankar outlined his view of India’s rise in a speech at his alma mater JNU in late February. “Bharat also means being a civilizational state rather than just a national polity. It suggests a larger responsibility and contribution, one that is expressed as a first responder, development partner, peacekeeper, bridge builder, global goods contributor, and upholder of rules, norms, and law,” he said. “It mandates the influencing of the international agenda and shaping of global narratives.”

As India gears up for its next landmark national election, scheduled to take place from April to June, questions have begun to swirl around whether Jaishankar will take the final step in his political evolution and run for election to India’s lower house of Parliament, or Lok Sabha. He entered Modi’s cabinet through the Rajya Sabha, or upper house, where lawmakers are elected by state legislators, but the Lok Sabha is where the people of India decide. His plans to run have not yet been confirmed, but his near-universal popularity will likely hold him in good stead. When asked about it, he has repeatedly deflected.

Should he be preparing for a grueling campaign, however, his growing embrace of symbolism steeped in India’s dominant religion is perhaps a natural choice. For a large swath of Indian voters, wearing one’s Hindu identity on one’s sleeve is increasingly welcome. And Modi’s potential political base is enormous, given that 80 percent of India’s population is Hindu.

“Being overtly Hindu is now OK,” Bagchi said. Whether it’s building a Hindu temple in Abu Dhabi or the recent groundbreaking on the Ram temple in Ayodhya, “all of that adds to what they see Modi bringing to the table, and Jaishankar is a part of that universe.”

Robbie Gramer contributed reporting for this story.

Rishi Iyengar is a reporter at  Foreign Policy . Twitter:  @Iyengarish

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What 10 years of Modi rule has meant for India’s economy

Workers at a factory in the town of Sriperumbudur, in the Indian state of Tamil Nadu, on Jan. 3. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has kept India on its swift upward path among the world’s largest economies. Many Indians are better off, though wealth gaps have widened.

As Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi was storming to victory in the election of 2014, he said that " acchhe din aane waale hain ” — good times are coming.

Stocks have risen so much because the number of Indians with enough wealth and appetite for investment risk has jumped — to nearly 5% of the population from barely 2%.

But the economic gains have been widely unequal. The bulk of India’s growth depends on those at the top of the income ladder, including a coterie of huge and tightly controlled businesses.

Ninety percent of India’s population of 1.4 billion is estimated to subsist on less than $3,500 a year. Yet in the poorest rural districts, life has been made more bearable by welfare programs that have expanded under Modi. Many of the benefits are solid and visible: sacks of free grain, toilets, gas cylinders and housing materials. Purely commercial developments have transformed village life. LED lights, cheap smartphones and nearly free mobile data have changed the nature of idle time.

While America was experiencing a "vibecession,” feeling glum despite upbeat economic news, India has been doing the opposite. Here many of the signals are mixed, but the vibes are fantastic. International surveys show India’s consumers have become the most upbeat anywhere.

Foreigners are also feeling good about the Modi economy. Banks such as Morgan Stanley and JPMorgan Chase are rushing to upgrade India’s weighting in their global stock and bond indexes. Chris Wood, one of the best-regarded market strategists in Asia, warned that if Modi were not reelected this year, Indian markets could crash by 25% or more.

A strange thing about the spirit of optimism about the Modi economy is that India’s rates of growth over the past 10 years have been very similar to those of the decade that preceded it, under a government that Modi often blames for wrecking the country.

As real as it is, the Indian economic success story is also an attribute of what could be the singular characteristic of Modi’s years in the top job: his ability to control all levers of power, with showmanship as the first priority.

Construction on a facility to house Foxconn workers in the town of Sriperumbudur, in the Indian state of Tamil Nadu, on Jan. 3

Modi’s face is everywhere, perhaps more present in New Delhi than that of any democratically elected leader in any other capital. In the run-up to the Group of 20 summit in September, his slogans took credit for virtually every positive development that could be found in this inexorably emerging economy.

In the bullish climate surrounding the Indian economy, even the pessimists are optimistic. While official statistics anticipate growth of 7.3% in the current fiscal year, most finance professionals in Mumbai peg the figure at 6% to 6.5%. The lowest estimate touches 4.5%, which would still beat the United States and possibly China.

Expressing even mild skepticism is avoided. Economists who depend on government work must be careful not to speak frankly. Economists who do not work with the government are becoming scarce, as independent think tanks are raided and shuttered.

Message control is much more pronounced than it was under Modi’s predecessor, award-winning economist Manmohan Singh. India became known as a "flailing state” during Singh’s time in office, even with growth occasionally hitting the 10% mark.

Modi has been busy remaking the institutions of Indian governance. Political competition has been all but eliminated at the national level, and he has exploited animosity against the country’s Muslim minority of 200 million.

Modi has also used state power to make things happen in strictly economic affairs, mostly for better though sometimes for worse. Infrastructure is on a tear. There is some overbuilding, but the fact that building gets done is a welcome relief. Welfare programs have become more responsive.

India — especially in banking and business transactions — has made a widespread digital leap. The push began under the previous management of Singh, but Modi has run with it. The "India Stack,” a suite of software platforms that runs on the base of Aadhaar, a biometric identification system, means that Indians now have access to faster and cheaper peer-to-peer transactions than Americans.

Taxes have been overhauled. India has driven more of the economy into the formal sector, for instance by enacting a goods and services tax like Europe’s value-added tax, allowing more revenue to be extracted from more people and businesses. That has freed up money for public spending and, by lowering corporate tax rates, private financing.

One minus on the digitization ledger came Nov. 8, 2016, when at 8 p.m. Modi abruptly declared that all large currency notes were suddenly worthless. That was supposed to deprive criminals of "black money.” Instead, it crippled economic activity.

There are other ways the Indian government’s power to act decisively and usually without check has created distortions and inequalities. The biggest companies have profited wildly. Of the $1.4 trillion in wealth created by the most prestigious stock index from 2012 to 2022, 80% went to 20 companies, Marcellus Investment Managers in Mumbai estimated in 2022. Those companies are the ones that can talk directly to the government.

No one better illustrates the concentration of corporate wealth, and the risks associated with it, than Gautam Adani. Outside India, few knew his name until 2022, when he suddenly appeared on lists as the world’s second-richest person, after Elon Musk.

The flagship stock of Adani’s conglomerate nearly doubled in the year after Modi was elected and grew eight times larger after he was re-elected in 2019. The Adani Group became, in effect, a logistics arm of the government, building up ports, highways, bridges and solar farms at speeds never before seen.

Then last year Adani’s empire was accused of fraud by a New York short seller, costing Adani $150 billion on paper. Though Adani, who denied the claims, has recouped most of the money he lost, the episode exposed a risk in the Modi strategy of allowing the few at the top to amass enormous clout.

Companies aside, on an individual level, India’s recent growth has been uncomfortably unequal. Having the world’s biggest population explains why so many foreign investors are attracted to its consumer market. Most Indians are rural, and 75% of them are by most measures poor — qualifying for free food rations intended to prevent malnutrition. Though that warrants some caution, it leaves room for growth.

Sales of luxury goods have been booming, especially since the pandemic, generating yearslong waiting lists for vehicles like the Mercedes G 63. Sales of motorbikes and scooters, which transport far more Indians than all the four-wheeled cars combined, have been stagnant.

The most painful aspect of the economy is the jobs situation. Officially about 7% of Indians are unemployed. Vastly more are underemployed. In the past month, Indians desperate to find better incomes abroad have died trying: while crossing the United States’ borders, fighting as underequipped mercenaries for Russia in Ukraine and filling positions left empty by Palestinians forced to stop working in Israel.

And yet, the ascent of India in the world economy seems preordained. It has moved ahead of Britain to become the world’s fifth-largest economy, and it is expected to surpass Japan and Germany to become the world’s third largest within the next few years.

More multinational businesses are expected to flock to India, creating opportunities for Indians. Only a small proportion of consumers can expect to enjoy living standards taken for granted in the United States, but they are becoming more numerous by the year, and can now be found even in small cities.

Red tape remains to impede businesses without connections to the top of government. But the direction of movement is promising: Projects that used to require two years of permission-seeking can now be completed in 15 days.

Along with the acchhe din he promised in 2014, Modi pledged "minimum government, maximum governance” — sounding like a 1980s America free marketeer. In practice, his economic approach has not been defined by theory or ideology. He has thrown everything against the wall to see what sticks. He has thrown persistently, and with force. When economists talk about India, they have stopped talking about the "flailing state.”

This article originally appeared in The New York Times © 2024 The New York Times Company

Workers at a factory in the town of Sriperumbudur, in the Indian state of Tamil Nadu, on Jan. 3. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has kept India on its swift upward path among the world’s largest economies. Many Indians are better off, though wealth gaps have widened. | Atul Loke / The New York Times

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